By Alex Rutherford
The second one mesmerizing installment in Alex Rutherford's Empire of the Moghul sequence. 1530, Agra, Northern India. Humayun, the newly-crowned moment Moghul Emperor, is a lucky guy. His father, Babur, has bequeathed him wealth, glory and an empire which stretches one thousand miles south from the Khyber move; he needs to now construct on his legacy, and make the Moghuls worthwhile in their forebear, Tamburlaine. yet, unbeknownst to him, Humayun is already in grave probability. His half-brothers are plotting opposed to him; they doubt that he has the energy, the desire, the brutality had to command the Moghul armies and cause them to still-greater glories. possibly they're correct. quickly Humayun might be locked in a bad conflict: not just for his crown, not just for his existence, yet for the lifestyles of the very empire itself. (less)
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Extra resources for Brothers at War (Empire of the Moghul, Book 2)
110 It also leaves untouched the question of the interaction of multiple competing centres of calculation engaged in the collection of people and information and the political reasons why some prevailed over others. If, as I will argue, the accumulation of knowledge was multi-centred in the mid-seventeenth century, Latour’s model is insufﬁcient to explain the imbalance in access to information and thus power that began to be felt by the mid-eighteenth century. Some historians have taken on the idea of circulation as central to the history of ideas while rejecting Latour’s Eurocentrism.
In this sense, the knowledge that the Royal Society assembled was thoroughly hybrid in its origins. At the same time, information was being presented in increasingly standardised ways, including through articles in the journal Philosophical Transactions, as well as being incorporated into natural histories, dictionaries, maps, tide tables, and astronomical charts. 95 His account argues that the exchange of natural philosophical information was based on trust, the social basis of which in the English context was the possession of gentlemanly status.
The Description had begun as an exercise in correcting the account of Tonkin by Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, which had been translated into English in 1680122 and was presumably sent by Hooke to Baron in Tonkin. The practice of asking one correspondent to correct the account given by another was a common strategy among members of the Royal Society for gathering information at a distance. 123 Nonetheless, he continued to use Tavernier’s structure as a basis, his chapters covering the geographical position and size of Tonkin; its nature and produce; its riches, trade, and money; military strength; the manners of the people; marriage customs; socialising and pastimes; scholarship; physicians and diseases; government, law, and policy; the court of the chua and his ofﬁcials; ceremonies; funerals; and ‘idols’ and ‘superstitions’.